usa middle east democracy

Donald Trump Is the World’s Most Dangerous Warmonger

(Firstly, I would like to apologize for my absence. My access to internet is very limited this month. My blog activity  will go back to normal this Wednesday )

In 2016, Spiegel wrote that Donald Trump could be the leader of a new, hate-filled authoritarian movement as a president during which even George W. Bush’s America would seem like a place of logic and reason in comparison. Bush, to his credit, never compared migrants to poisonous snakes — something Trump does. And Spiegel was not wrong about the Trump gloal threat. All what he said about Middle East  before his election were just communication tactics. And the US becomes more and more dangerous country under Trump’s hegemony.

“He is a man free of morals. As has been demonstrated hundreds of times, he is a liar, a racist and a cheat. I feel ashamed to use these words, as sharp and loud as they are. But if they apply to anyone, they apply to Trump. And one of the media’s tasks is to continue telling things as they are: Trump has to be removed from the White House. Quickly. He is a danger to the world.” Spiegel wrote recently.

The country is, as David Brooks wrote recently in the New York Times, dependent on a child. The Trump administration has no foreign policy because Trump has consistently promised American withdrawal while invoking America’s strength. He has promised both no wars and more wars. He makes decisions according to his mood, with no strategic coherence or tactical logic. Moscow and Beijing are laughing at America. Elsewhere, people are worried.

Some weeks ago he visited Saudi Arabia to do a sword dance with Saudi royalty, enjoy a confab with other Gulf monarchs, and, according to Trump himself, sort out Islamist terrorism. And, incredibly, thanks to Trump’s intervention, an already chaotic situation in the Middle East, in which local disputes are almost always simultaneously international conflicts by proxy, has become even more messily absurd, as two US allies, both of whom host the US airforce, are now being pitched into battle against each other. 

Trump wants a Ruthless America

“Believe me, I’ll change things. And again, we’re going to be so respected. I don’t want to use the word ‘feared,'” he told the audience. But that is precisely what Trump wants: to be feared. His US presidency, long ridiculed before and after his election, is a fight for a ruthless, brutal America. Behind his campaign slogan “Make America great again!” is the vision of a country that no longer cares about international treaties, ethnic minorities or established standards of decency.

Trump wants to attack head-first again. The 70-year-old embodies a new harshness and brutality, and both a physical and emotional crudeness. Trump has launched an uprising of the indecent, one that is now much bigger than he himself, a popular movement of white, conservative America that after eight years under Democratic President Barack Obama, yearns for a leader who will usher in the counter-revolution.

His foreign policy essentially boils down to a bizarre mix of isolationism and a simultaneous show of superiority through a military build-up. “I’m the most militaristic person there is,” Trump says. Furthermore, some already view Trump as the founder of a new political movement — “Trumpism” — that has little in common with the traditional conservatism on the right.

Salon.com wrote: “(Trump) embodies that well-worn if still stinging observation about the country he hails from: that ‘America is the only country that went from barbarism to decadence without passing through civilization.'” His  presidency ceased to be amusing long ago. Trump’s policies are too extreme for that, and his view of the world and humanity too dangerous especially for the Middle East:

According to the Guardian, US forces have opened fire on Iranian-backed forces in Syria three times in the past month, amid mounting tensions that observers and former officials worry could easily turn into an unplanned, spiralling conflict.

The three recent incidents took place at al-Tanf, a remote desert outpost near the point where the Syrian, Iraqi and Jordanian borders meet. There, a 150-strong force of US soldiers who are training local fighters to take on the Islamic State (Isis) was approached by convoys of militias fighting for the Assad regime. They responded with air strikes.

Let’s be clear: Donald Trump is not fit to be president of the United States.

He does not possess the requisite intellect and does not understand the significance of the office he holds nor the tasks associated with it. He doesn’t read. He doesn’t bother to peruse important files and intelligence reports and knows little about the issues that he has identified as his priorities. His decisions are capricious and they are delivered in the form of tyrannical decrees.

New Yorker writer George Packer’s book “The Unwinding” describes the gradual economic and, more importantly, moral decline of the United States. It is perhaps the most astute book about the country’s condition today. Sitting at Lafayette Grand Café & Bakery in Manhattan’s Greenwich Village, Packer says that Trump now exhibits several of the characteristics of a fascist.

Many Americans, especially whites and those with relatively little education, are now more receptive than ever to audacious promises and simplistic solutions made by #TrumpGlobalGag.

Packer sees the 2008 financial crisis, which caused parts of the US economy to unravel and deprived millions of Americans of their economic foundation, as the main reason many Americans are receptive to a man like Trump. The economy has been growing again since then, but in absurdly unfair ways, says Packer, as inequality becomes more and more glaring. According to Packer, many Americans feel they have been left alone with their concerns, and they feel disconnected and betrayed.

Donald Trump is “Doing business as usual” with the Middle East

President Trump has done business with royals from Saudi Arabia for at least 20 years, since he sold the Plaza Hotel to a partnership formed by a Saudi prince. Mr. Trump has earned millions of dollars from the United Arab Emirates for putting his name on a golf course, with a second soon to open. Mr. Trump is the first president in 40 years to retain his personal business interests after entering the White House.

He has never entered the booming market in neighboring Qatar, however, despite years of trying. Mr. Trump has said he is backing Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates because Qatar is “a funder of terror at a very high level.” But his stance toward Qatar, which is host to the largest American air base in the region, has differed sharply from the positions of the Pentagon and State Department. The secretaries of defense and state have stayed neutral, urging unity against the common enemy of the Islamic State.

Now some in Qatar are asking if missing a chance to do business with the Trumps might have been a mistake, Clayton Swisher, a journalist who works for the Qatar-owned Al Jazeera network, wrote in a recent column on the subject. Last week, the US has signed a $12bn deal to supply dozens of F-15 jets to Qatar, despite recent high-profile claims by President Donald Trump alleging Qatar’s “high-level funding” of terrorism. Maybe this is the opportunity for Qatar to steal the heart of this world’s warmonger?Presumably, the US could have delayed the deal if they’d wanted to and if arms sales were less important than funding wars in the Middle East.

An Israeli ambassador to the UN even described the Qatari capital Doha as a ‘Club Med for terrorists’, with Hamas leader Khaled Meshal a long-term occupant of the Four Seasons in Doha, and al-Qaeda financier Abd al-Rahman bin Umayr al-Nu’aymi finding himself an equally commodious Doha abode. Sheikh Yusuf al–Qaradawi, the spirtual force behind the Muslim Brotherhood, with a lifetime of advocating suicide bombing behind him, has also found a place to call home in Doha.

Yet there’s an obvious problem with this as a justification for isolating Qatar. Because if Qatar is the Club Med of terrorism, then America’s other ally, Saudi Arabia, is the Disney Land. After all it was Saudi Arabia that originally propagated the strict, heathen-hating Wahhabist strain of Islam that emerged during the 18th century, and which now underlies the simple-minded doctrine of ISIS and Co. And it was Saudi Arabia that actually produced international terrorists, including 15 out of the 19 9/11 attackers, and even Osama bin Laden himself, an exiled member of the Saudi elite. While it’s true that ISIS itself has never really taken money from Saudi pockets, as its predecessor movement al-Qaeda in Iraq once did, there’s little doubting that the House of Saud was happy for ISIS to overthrow Bashar al-Assad’s Iran-friendly and therefore Saudi-antagonising regime in Syria. No wonder, as a Wikileaked cable from 2009 was to reveal, then US secretary of state Hillary Clinton noted that ‘donors in Saudi Arabia constitute the most significant source of funding to Sunni terrorist groups worldwide’.

Qatar’s problem is not its supposed sponsorship of terrorism, then, but its close relationship with Iran, the nation with which it shares its main source of wealth in the shape of a huge offshore oil and gas field. For the Saudi monarchy, the Western-backed military dictatorship of Egypt and no doubt Trump’s motley crew of foreign-policy advisers, the real issue they have with Qatar is that it appears to be fraternising with the regional enemy. Yes, Qatar itself has tried to become a player in the region, launching media organisation al-Jazeera in 1995 with a broadly liberal remit to criticise neighbouring regimes, and backing certain militias in regional conflicts over the past couple of decades. But it is Qatar’s proximity to Iran, the Sauds’ main rival in the region, and the state Trump just last week tellingly also called a sponsor of terrorism, that seems to be driving the moves against it.

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